LJ of Race42008.com: “Grillin’ McCain”

Among our friends at Race42008.com, LJ has always been the most stalwart supporter of Senator McCain’s candidacy.  Yesterday, LJ put up a great post about the informal barbecue McCain hosted for his press corps in Arizona… Take a look at ”Grillin’ McCain“… 

While Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton are battling it out in Texas and Ohio, the de facto Republican nominee decided to take the weekend off the campaign trail to spend with a selected group of supporters (Pawlenty, Huntsman, Lieberman, Martinez, Graham, Gramm, Lott, etc. [Crist had to cancel at the last minute, apparently]) , aides, and reporters. It sounds like a really fun time. McCain’s ribs sound absolutely amazing too. It’s too bad that video or pictures were the only thing banned from the event, I would’ve like to see McCain “sporting jeans and a sleeveless denim jacket over a sweatshirt with a silkscreened family picture.” I just can’t picture that for the life of me.

So far, 7 of the reporters have stories up about today’s festivities, read them all:

by @ 12:34 am. Filed under 2008 Misc., John McCain, Media Coverage

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Race42008.com’s Sean Oxendine Explains Polling Very Clearly- “On Error Margins”

One of the many fine posters, among those at Race42008.com, is Sean Oxendine.  His post on polling - On Error Margins - explains the margin-of-error concept in lay terms for those of us who enjoy the horse-race aspects of politics, and so it’s worthwhile to post it here:

In comments on DaveG’s analysis of McCain leading Obama by a point in the Franklin & Marshall Poll, long-time favorite commenter of mine Caroline writes:

With a MoE of +/-3.9% McCain does not “lead”.

This is pretty much true. But this raises an important post for those of you who come here for the horse race analysis. If you *really* want to be technical, with a sample size of 640, we *can* be 20% certain that McCain is leading based on the F&M poll. Now that is to say, we’d be much better off relying on a coin flip rather than this poll in choosing the correct leader, but nonetheless, there are conclusions we can draw about who is leading based on the F&M poll. Just not very useful conclusions.

And this is just a point that I want to make going forward, and it is a very important one to remember with error margins. Pointing to error margins is one of those things in the blogosphere that is often used to show up people who have no idea what they are talking about. Most people who always say “the polls were wrong” or “the polls are all over the place” or “YAY CANDIDATE A IS WINNING YOU REPUBLICLONE THUGS ARE GOING TO LOSE” (And in fairness, you’re just as likely to find a similar all-cap post about “al-qaeda-loving DhimmocRATS” going down), can quickly be shown up with a reference to error margins (btw Caroline, I’m no longer pointing fingers at you, you were 100% correct in the criticism of DaveG as I quoted it; I just used your post as a jumping-off point).

At a simple level, one thing most people don’t understand is that the error margins apply per data point. Not per spread. In other words, in every Obama/McCain poll, there is an error margin for Obama, and an error margin for McCain. With a 3.5% error margin, then, a poll showing the two tied could mean that McCain is ahead by 7 points or behind by seven. A poll showing Obama up four is still within the error margin. A poll showing McCain up by 7 could mean the two are tied, or it could mean that McCain is up by 14.

Most people get this, or pick up on it quickly.

But I am still being imprecise, and this is an important nuance that very few people get. My paternal grandfather… of overwhelming common sense, has said when talking about my hobby “how is it possible to say anything with certainty about how millions of people will vote based on what 500 people say in a poll?” (actually there’s usually a lot more adjectives thrown in, but we won’t go there).

And it is an important point. The answer is that you can never say with 100% certainty, based on a poll, that X or Y is ahead. It is possible that, in a state with 5,000,000, of which 4,999,749 are going to vote for Obama, you could get a poll that includes all of the 251 McCain voters, and end up with a poll predicting a McCain win. It just ain’t very likely.

But this is the important thing about horserace analysis. Most declarations based on a poll that “X” or “Y” is ahead will drop an important caveat: With “x%” certainty.

Pollsters use 95% confidence as an “industry standard,” which they do for some very specific, technical reasons I won’t go into here. So with a sample size of, let’s say, 500, it is correct to say that you can be 95% certain that the “true” outcome is within 4.4% either way of your polling outcome. So if Obama comes in at 50%, and McCain comes in at 42%, you can’t be 95% certain that Obama is leading..

But 95% confidence isn’t the be-all, end-all. Like I said, it is the industry standard that is selected for specific reasons, that may or may not always apply to your needs. Sometimes, for example, you may have an extremely important survey to make. Let’s say you’re thinking of going to intrade and plunking down your life’s savings on Obama to win. At that point, you may decide that you need to be 99% confident in your given range. Other times, you might want to be less sure.

What if, for your purposes, you only wanted to be 90% certain Obama was leading? Your error margin shrinks to 3.68%. In other words, in the preceding example, we *can* be 90% certain Obama is leading. And 90% certain is pretty darned good!

But what if you wanted to be REALLY certain, like 99% certain. With a 500 voter sample, we’d have to have a spread of 11% before we can be THAT certain.

Now you’ll notice something here. The error margin for 90% is +/-3.68%. The error margin for 95% is +/-4.38%. And the error margin for 99% is +/-5.76.

The relationship is not linear here. To go from 90% certainty to 95% certainty, your error margin goes up .7%. To go from 95% to 99%, your error margin goes up 1.4% (with sample sizes of 500).

In other words, if you are willing to accept a lower degree of certainty, you can often draw inferences even based on poll results that are within the reported error margin (which is almost always based upon 95% certainty), especially if you’re close to being outside the MOE, without sacrificing that much certainty.

For example, let’s take a look at the recent poll from SUSA showing Obama up 3 on McCain in Ohio. It has an error margin of +/- 4.3%, meaning that in common parlance, it is a “statistical dead heat.”

But its not really. The poll sampled 542 registered voters, and showed them three points apart. If all we wanted to know was whether it was “more likely than not” that Obama lead McCain, we could say “yes,” because we are 55% certain that Obama’s “true” score lies between 46.6% and 48.4% and that McCain’s lies between 46.4% and 42.6%. In other words, we are 55% certain that Obama is leading in Ohio.

Let’s say that Obama is *four* points ahead. Under those circumstances, we can be 65% certain that he is actually leading. A six point lead means we’re 88% sure he’s leading.

In other words, you can still draw inferences from polls within the error margin, some of which are quite useful. For my purposes, if I see a lead of greater than 4 points in a poll with a sample size of 600, I’m willing to say candidate A probably does have the lead. This becomes especially useful when you have the really good polls with large sample sizes; for example the Gallup tracking poll has 1200 participants in a given sample; with that we can be 66% sure that a three-point lead is a real one. This also is important when you have a large series of polls; the midpoint of the polls will tend to be the actual result since the polls will generally be distributed evenly around the actual result.

Now, all of this assumes polls use proper methodology that doesn’t bias the result, and it assumes a “normal” distribution of the populace, which isn’t really the case (e.g., it assumes that the populace is spread out evenly like a giant bag of M&Ms, rather than segregated like a Snicker’s bar. Mmmmmmm…Snickers bars). Still, there are ways to correct for that, though that is a subject for another post.

Well done.

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The Atlantic’s Marc Ambinder: “How McCain Weathered the Storm”

The Atlantic’s Marc Ambinder had an outstanding post on the infamous New York Times article on Senator McCain and his allegedly improper ties to lobbyist Vicki Iseman, prior to McCain’s first presidential bid in 2000.  Ambinder’s analysis - How McCain Weathered the Storm - was impressive, due to his focus on the write-up about how the McCain campaign handled the situation, and how it appears that their crisis-management skills were on fine display throughout the news cycle…

What distinguished Ambinder’s write-up from everyone else’s, was that he zeroed in on the politics and spin of the situation, and did not go into the question of whether the allegations are true or false or whether the NYT exercised good judgment by its publication of the story…. 

It is not often that campaign staffers feel good after a day of relentless media focus on the question of whether your boss had an extramarital affair. And yet, behind the veneer of self-confidence, of the political imperative to project a calm upper lip, the campaign’s senior advisers and aides are in a much better place tonight than they were last night.

The campaign responded quickly and deftly to the accusations and provided a model of sorts for how to weather an accusatory, highly provocative front-page, above-the-fold investigative piece in the world’s most influential newspaper.

First, they had facts. Within two hours of the story being published to the Times’s website, McCain’s campaign distributed a 1,200 point-by-point rebuttal of some of the story’s claims. Spokesperson Jill Hazelbaker issued a statement slamming the Times for its “gutter” politics.

Wisely, they deliberately decided to keep McCain from reading the article. That way, when a reporter serving as the pooler for his evening fundraiser threw him a question, he was able to say, quite honestly, that he hadn’t read it yet. The message: nothing to be concerned about. To prevent reporters from claiming that McCain was trying to hide from them, the campaign scheduled a news conference for 9:00 am the next morning — after the morning shows, on which, incidentally, high-powered McCain surrogates repeatedly denounced the story and the New York Times.

During his press conference, McCain was the picture of solitude. Cindy McCain’s smile wasn’t forced. “No,” he did not have an affair. Never did he “violate the public trust.” He would allow only that he was “disappointed” with the Times. McCain did allow his affect to become the story. That allowed his staff to attack the story with furor. And they did — in lengthy sessions with McCain’s traveling press corps, in personal conversations with top reporters, in outreach calls and e-mails to bloggers and surrogates and donors.

To be sure, the story was met with fairly widespread condemnation, and the media decided to give McCain the benefit of the doubt. What the story proved — that some staffers were worried about a lobbyist’s braggadocio — was not what it implied, and it was very easy for critics to turn widen that wrinkle into a credibility gap.

Republicans worried about McCain’s ability to run a competent general election campaign should be mollified. Facing the worst crisis of his candidacy since…well, July, McCain and his aides weathered the storm.

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Karen Tumulty/Swampland: “The Public Financing Question”

One of the aspects of the potential matchup between Senators McCain and Barack Obama in November, has been the convention that both candidates may agree to - that is, to accept only public financing in the general election.  More on this subject from Karen Tumulty from Swampland at Time.com: The Public Financing Question

…But I just talked to someone who told me that it would be crazy for Obama–or anyone else–to stay within the legal spending limits in exchange for federal matching funds. And that someone is none other than the most recent chairman of the Federal Election Commission.

“It would be insane to, because they will lose control of the message of their campaign,” says Robert Lenhard, who chaired the FEC until a standoff between the Senate and the White House effectively put the commission out of business on Jan. 1.

Already, candidates put themselves at a disadvantage of they stay within the law, because outside groups are spending something like five times as much money as politicians are allowed under the spending limits. The Supreme Court’s decision in the Wisconsin Right to Life case–which happened after Obama made his pledge–makes that disadvantage even worse, because it allows outside groups to spend right up until election day. All expectations are that the amount spent by corporations, labor and other outside interests is going to skyrocket.

“It just provided a lot more freedom for outside groups to talk about candidates right before an election,” Lenhard says of the Supreme Court decision. “It is among the most dramatic shifts in this area of the law in decades. It completely changed the terrain.”

Obama still says that if he gets the nomination, he wants to reach “a meaningful agreement in good faith that results in real spending limits.” But by Lenhard’s analysis, he’d better be worried about a lot more than the Republican nominee.

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Ana Marie Cox/Swampland: “McCain By the Numbers” - Exit Poll Analysis from the Chesapeake/Potomac Primaries

Ana Marie Cox, the alter ego of the Wonkette, blogs for Swampland on Time.com, where she provides a unique, irreverent perspective on the campaign trail.

AMC’s SwampCast on Wednesday, February 13, was titled: “McCain: By the Numbers”, as her analysis zeroed in on the exit poll numbers from Senator McCain’s trio of victories on Tuesday…

A very good, thoughtful SwampCast on these primaries…

1) Three.

McCain’s trio of victories in the Chesapeake/Potomac primaries.

2) 2%.

The number of points ahead by which the exit polls showed Huck.

3) 11%.

The number of points by which McCain ultimately beat Huck.

The race wasn’t called till relatively late in the evening, despite the fact that McCain won relatively easily. At the time, I attributed it to the fact that the McCain-friendly DC suburbs turned in their returns late, but it seems that a major factor in the delayed call was that Huck appeared to do better in the exit polls, which are incorporated in the decision to call a state…

A good question, per exit polls, although, on the whole, I think they’re reliable…

4) 32%.

Percentage of conservatives that McCain won in VA

5) 43%

Likewise, the numbers of conservatives McCain won in MD.

I disagree w/ AMC to some extent when she says that “the states aren’t that different”. Virginia, although trending Democratic, is considerably more conservative than Maryland (if for no other reason that no Democrat has carried Virginia in a presidential campaign since 1956, and Maryland has not voted for a Republican presidential candidate, conversely, since 1984.)

I agree that there are some similarities, but on the whole, I don’t think it’s surprising that McCain won more self-ID’d conservatives in MD than he did in VA - Huck has more of a natural constituency in VA.

6) 3 out of 4 church attendance categories in which McCain either won or tied Huck.

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